1 Fourteenth-century is not used in a strict literal sense in this paper or in much of the literature about these musical repertories (c.f. the series Polyphonic Music of the Fourteenth Century and titles such as "The Transmission of Trecento Secular Polyphony" which both deal with much music of the early fifteenth century). The trecento referred to in this paper runs from c. 1330-1430.
2 See Giulio Cattin, "Ricerche sulla musica a S. Giustina di Padova ill'inizio del Quattro cento: Il copista Rolando da casale. Nuovi frammenti . . . ," Annales Musicologiques 7 (1977), pp. 17-41.
3 Anne Hallmark, "Some Evidence for French Influence in Northern Italy, c. 1400," in Studies in the Performance of Late Mediaeval Music, edited by Stanley Boorman (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1983), pp. 193-226.
4 Only the most obvious and most serious errors have been fixed in the transcriptions. These corrected errors primarily consist of omissions or incorrect note values which cause voices to become unaligned and finish at different times
5 In order to limit the scope of this examination, texts of the compositions were not examined except where particularly important to the discussion of the music. Additionally, a less detailed study of PadA was conducted than of PadB and PadC, omitting some of the most fragmentary of compositions, damaged due to the vertical cutting of the manuscript.
6 Leo Schrade, The Works of Francesco Landini, in Polyphonic Music of the Fourteenth Century, vol. 4, (Monaco: L'Oiseau-Lyre, 1958), p. i.
7 The view, that a composer’s greatness is measured by his presence in the tiny percentage of manuscript sources which survive, was not an isolated opinion in mid-century scholarship. In the fifth edition of Grove’s dictionary, Erna Dannemann writes, "That Ciconia ranks as the most remarkable composer in Northern Italy in the period between Landini and Dufay could be gathered from the number of manuscripts containing compositions of his, even if there were no other proof." ("Ciconia," in Grove’s Dictionary of Music and Musicians, fifth edition, edited by Eric Bloom, 9 vols., (London: Macmillan and Co., 1954), vol. 2, p. 296.)
8 A new look at this era, Padua under the Carrara, 1318-1405, by Benjamin G. Kohl is slated to be published in April 1998 (Baltimore: Johns Hopkins University Press). Unfortunately, it was not available in time for the present survey.
9 Three members of the Scala family of Verona ruled Padua from 1328-1337. The number of rulers in the first half of the fourteenth century is so high because of the great number of assassinations of Carrara despots; these assassinations were often funded by jealous members of other branches of the Carrara family.
10 Il Novello also ruled for six months in 1388. He was murdered in 1406. When Il Vecchio died, Paduan people openly celebrated his long reign (see Cesare Foligno, The Story of Padua, London: J. M. Dent and Sons, Ltd., 1910, p. 134); public outpouring at the death of Il Novello was not permitted by the Venetian rulers. This contrast is important to our attempts to date Ciconia’s arrival in Padua based on textual references to the death of a Paduan ruler in Con lagreme bagnandome (see chapter 2).
11 Hallmark, "Some evidence," p. 194. Nino Pirrotta, "Novelty and Renewal in Italy: 1300-1600," Studien zur Tradition in der Musik (Kurt von Fischer zum 60. Geburtstag), ed. Hans Heinrich Eggebrecht and Max Lütolf, (Munich: Musikverlag Katzbichler, 1973), p. 52.
12 Hallmark suggests that some of the destruction after the fall of Il Novello may have even been at the hands of the Paduan populace who were angry at the high taxation necessary to support Il Novello’s grandeur ("Some evidence," p. 194). This would not explain destruction of internal court records of patronage, which are also lacking. It is conceivable that the back-stabbing Carrara rulers themselves were responsible for some of the destruction earlier in the fourteenth century. The tiny room given to trecento art in the Museo Civico Padova is a tangible witness to the destruction of artifacts of the fourteenth century (and most of this art is from the early fourteenth century). Earlier centuries even fare better than the fourteenth century in Padua; the percentage of space devoted to collections of trecento art in comparable museums in Verona and Venice is substantially higher.
13 A fire in 1420 in the building housing official public records compounds the difficulty in finding records of civic patronage (Cesare Foligno, The Story of Padua, p. 82).
14 Hallmark, "Some evidence," p. 195.
15 Giovanni Conversini da Ravenna, "De dilectione Regnantium," in Two Court Treatises, translated and edited by Benjamin G. Kohl and James Day, (Munich: Wilhelm Fink Verlag, 1987), pp. 8, 167.
16 Giulio Cattin, "Church Patronage of Music in Fifteenth Century Italy," in Music in Medieval and Early Modern Europe: Patronage, Sources, and Texts, edited by Iain Fenlon, (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1981). p. 21.
17 Anne Hallmark, "Gratiosus, Ciconia, and other Musicians at Padua Cathedral: Some Footnotes to Present Knowledge," In L'ars Nova Italiana del Trecento, no. 6, edited by Giulio Cattin, Atti del congresso internazionale "L'europa e la musica del Trecento," (Certaldo: Polis, 1992), p. 75.
18 William F. Prizer, "North Italian Courts, 1460-1540," in Man and Music: The Renaissance, edited by Iain Fenlon, (Englewood Cliffs, New Jersey: Prentice Hall, 1989), p. 133.
19 Diana Norman, Siena, Florence, and Padua: Art, Society, and Religion 1280-1400: 1. Interpretative Essays, (New Haven: Yale University Press, 1995), pp. 156-157. Colin Cunningham, "For the honour and beauty of the city: the design of town halls," in Siena, Florence, and Padua: Art, Society, and Religion 1280-1400: 2. Case Studies, (New Haven, Yale University Press, 1995), pp. 50-53.
20 Lewis Lockwood, conversation, 25 March 1998. For information about patronage in northern Italy later in the fifteenth century, see Jonathan Glixon, "Music at the Venetian Scuole Grandi, 1440-1540" and Lewis Lockwood, "Strategies of music patronage in the fifteenth century: the cappella of Ercole I d’Este," both in Music in Medieval and Early Modern Europe: Patronage, Sources, and Texts, edited by Iain Fenlon, (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1981).
21 Pirrotta, "Novelty and Renewal," p. 55.
22 Ibid., p. 53.
23 Nino Pirrotta, "New Glimpses of an Unwritten Tradition," in Words and Music: The Scholar's View. A Medley of Problems and Solutions Compiled in Honor of A. Tillman Merritt, edited by Laurence Berman, (Cambridge, Mass.: Harvard University Press, 1972), pp. 271-291.
24 Hallmark, "Some Evidence," pp. 197-198.
25 For more information on the use of bells as signals in the late medieval city, see Reinhard Strohm, Music in Late Medieval Bruges, (Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1990), pp. 3-4.
26 Anne Hallmark, "Gratiosus, Ciconia, and other musicians at Padua Cathedral: Some Footnotes to Present Knowledge," in L’ars Nova Italiana del Trecento, no. 6, edited by Giulio Cattin, Atti del congresso internazionale "L’europa e la musica del Trecento," (Certaldo: Polis, 1992), pp. 70-71.
27 Iain Fenlon, "Music and Society," in Man and Music: The Renaissance, (Englewood Cliffs, New Jersey: Prentice Hall, 1989), p.2. Fenlon does mention as an exception, the Paduan teacher Petrus de Abano (1250-1315) who wrote commentaries on music.
28 It is likely that Guillaume Dufay even stayed in Padua for some time c. 1450. It is for the cathedral in Padua that he wrote his Saint Anthony Mass. (Maria Nevilla Massaro, "Padua," in Die Musik in Geschichte und Gegenwart, second edition, edited by Ludwig Finscher, (Kassel: Bärenreiter, 1997), vol. 7, p. 1314.
29 Hallmark, "Gratiosus, Ciconia, and other musicians at Padua Cathedral," p. 70.
30 Pirrotta, "Novelty and Renewal," p. 55.
31 PadA may have been written slightly earlier. If a date of post-1405 can be securely established for the fragments then the explanation given above becomes even more compelling.
32 Barry Collett, Italian Benedictine Scholars and The Reformation: The Congregation of Santa Giustina of Padua, (Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1985), pp. 2-3.
33 Ibid., pp. 2, 4.
34 Numbers do not add to the number given in the table of compositions (later this chapter) because there are two compositions which appear twice (O cieco mondo, and Et in terra pax . . . Clementie) and Gratious’s Sanctus is split between two fragments.
35 Nino Pirrotta, "Novelty and Renewal," p. 49.
36 One might also question the "northern-ness" of Bartolino da Padova since none of the securely traceable Paduan fragments (PadA, PadB, PadC, PadD, I-Pu 656, and I-STr 14; I-Pc 553 was not available to be examined in this study) include his music. He does however have a gathering of works in the (possibly Paduan) Reina codex.
37 Suzanne Clercx, Johannes Ciconia: Un musicien liégeois et son temps, (Brussels: Palais des Académies, 1960), vol. 1, p. 5. George Louis Nemeth, "The Secular Music of Johannes Ciconia," (Ph.D. diss.: Stanford University, 1977), p. 18.
38 David Fallows, "Ciconia padre e figlio," Rivista Italiana di Musicologia 9 (1976), pp. 171-7.
39 Anne Hallmark, "Some Evidence," p. 213.
40 This does not include the opus dubium canon Le ray au soleyl.
41 Kurt von Fischer, "Landini, Francesco," in New Grove Dictionary of Music, edited by Stanley Sadie, 20 vols. (London: Macmillan Publishers, 1980), vol. 10, pp. 428.
42 Interestingly, though Landini’s eleven madrigals and caccia studied by Fellin display variations in notation type between pieces, there is no variation in notation type between concordances of a single piece (table in "Notation-types," p. 216). Could it be that because of his blindness, Landini relied on various scribes to record his work (explaining his lack of a single notational system across his output of madrigals) and that his compositions were only written down once, while other composers might have written several versions of their pieces in different notational styles. An examination of the notation of Landini’s ballate should be undertaken. In any event, studying the works of Landini in order to determine authorial intention in notation types seems somewhat futile.
43 Fischer, "Landini," in New Grove, vol. 10, p. 428. Although the same term "madrigal" is used to refer to an Italian vocal form in both the fourteenth and the sixteenth century, the two forms have little in common.
44 Kurt von Fischer, "Jacopo da Bologna," in New Grove Dictionary of Music, edited by Stanley Sadie, 20 vols. (London: Macmillan Publishers, 1980), vol. 9, pp. 449.
45 Quoted in W. Thomas Marrocco, editor, Italian Secular Music, by Magister Piero, Giovanni da Firenze, Jacopo da Bologna, in Polyphonic Music of the Fourteenth Century, vol. 6, (Monaco: Editions de l’Oiseau-lyre, 1967), p. xi.
46 Fischer, "Jacopo da Bologna," in New Grove, vol. 9, p. 449.
47 In PadA, the composition appears to be called Ma fin est ma commencement, though the word "ma" may also be "mo," which would be an abbreviation of "mon." Since the paleography is unclear, I have chosen to retain the traditional spelling "mon commencement" for this paper.
48 Anne Hallmark, "Gratiosus, Ciconia, and other musicians at Padua Cathedral," p. 74.
49 Billy Jim Layton, "Italian Music for the Ordinary of the Mass, 1300-1450," (Ph.D. diss., Harvard University, 1960), p. 128.
50 Note that even the "French" Gloria uses divisio letters and hockets.
51 Layton, "Italian Music for the Ordinary of the Mass," p. 121.
52 Polyphony composed prior to the fourteenth century is sometimes called ars antiqua polyphony. The fourteenth century ushered in the ars nova era in vocal polyphony, of which all compositions in this study are a part. In the late fourteenth century (c. 1370-1400), some ars nova composers began experimenting with increasing rhythmic complexity involving multiple meters between parts. These ars subtilior composers were primarily French. They manifested their love for complicated rhythm in the creation of new note-types and metrical symbols. The only true ars subtilior work in the fragments examined is Ciconia’s Sus unne fontaine, in PadA (GB-Ob 229).
53 The Sanctus of the mass has the structure Sanctus, [H]osanna, Benedictus, second Hosanna. In music of this period, the second Hosanna is sometimes a repetition of the music of the first Hosanna (indicated by "Osanna ut super") or sometimes new music.
54 Kurt von Fischer, RISM B/IV/4, p. 890. Michael Long, "Musical Tastes in Fourteenth-Century Italy: Notational Styles, Scholarly Traditions, and Historical Circumstances," Ph.D. diss., Princeton University, 1980, p. 181. John Nádas prescribes greater caution regarding this issue in his dissertation, noting that the same contratenor appears in the Reina codex (F-Pn 6771) (Nádas, "The Transmission of Trecento Secular Polyphony: Manuscript Production and Scribal Practices in Italy at the end of the Middle Ages," Ph.D. diss., New York University, 1985, pp. 89-90.). However, since no contratenor exists in the version in Lo (GB-Lbm 29987) or Sq (I-Fl 87), the issue is still not clear and probably will not become definitively answered until more information about the stemma of Reina becomes available.
55 Layton, "Italian Music for the Ordinary of the Mass," p. 129.
56 The decoration in the writing of Barbitonsoris’s name recalls similar decoration on f. A. In chapter 6, I argue that f. A represents an interest in that which is older and French. It may be possible that a connection between Barbitonsoris is being drawn by this decoration, though this conjecture is tenuous.
57 The figure 6-3 means that the two upper voices are a sixth and a third above the lowest note.
58 The rhythmic modes were recurring rhythmic patterns, such as long breve long breve (mode 1), breve long breve long (mode 2), or perfect long, breve, imperfect long (mode 3). These modal rhythms were most common in thirteenth-century music, though vestiges can be seen in some compositions in the Paduan fragments, e.g., Benedicamus domino on f. AV of GB-Ob 229. Note that in all cases of modal rhythm a diminution has occurred: long-breve becomes breve-minim. The six rhythmic modes should not be confused with the eight modes used to classify harmony.
59 Bent and Hallmark, Works of Johannes Ciconia, p. 204.
60 There are eight "church" modes to which nearly all chants can be assigned based on their range and the note on which they end. Modes 1 and 2 are D or dorian modes. Mode 1 compositions are characterized by the majority of their notes lying above the final (D), while mode 2 compositions often descend below the final, often to A.
61 Brian Trowell, "Anthonello de Caserta," in New Grove Dictionary of Music, edited by Stanley Sadie, 20 vols. (London: Macmillan Publishers, 1980), vol. 1, pp. 465.
62 Nigel Wilkins, "The post-Machaut Generation of Poet-Musicians," Nottingham Mediaeval Studies, 12 (1968), pp. 40-84.
63 Kurt von Fischer, "Johannes Baçus Correçarius de Bononia," in New Grove Dictionary of Music, edited by Stanley Sadie, 20 vols. (London: Macmillan Publishers, 1980), vol. 9, p. 660.
64 Reinhard Strohm, "Magister Egardus and other Italo-Flemish Contacts," in L’ars Nova Italiana del Trecento, no. 6, edited by Giulio Cattin, Atti del congresso internazionale "L’europa e la musica del Trecento," (Certaldo: Polis, 1992), p. 44.
65 Ibid., p. 44.
66 Ibid., p. 52.
67 Gilbert Reaney, "Perrinet," in New Grove Dictionary of Music, edited by Stanley Sadie, 20 vols. (London: Macmillan Publishers, 1980), vol. 14, p. 547.
68 Ursula Günther, "Jacob de Senleches," in New Grove Dictionary of Music, edited by Stanley Sadie, 20 vols. (London: Macmillan Publishers, 1980), vol. 9, pp. 443-444.
69 Ibid., p. 443; Reinhard Strohm, Music in Late Medieval Bruges, p. 104.
70 Hallmark, "Some evidence," p. 207. Bent and Hallmark, Works of Johannes Ciconia, p. 204.
71 Margaret Bent, "Some Criteria for Establishing Relationships Between Sources of Late-Medieval Polyphony," in Music in Medieval and Early Modern Europe, edited by Iain Fenlon, (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1981), p. 296.
72 Giulio Cattin, "Ricerche sulla musica a S. Giustina di Padova ill’inizio del Quattro cento: Il copista Rolando da casale. Nuovi frammenti . . . ," Annales Musicologiques 7 (1977), pp. 27-29.
73 The term "breve" meaning "short" is really a misnomer by the late 14th century. Although centuries earlier it did connote a short note, in the period in question it has a much longer duration. Willi Apel gives the tempo of the (perfect) breve of Machaut’s music as 27 per minute (The Notation of Polyphonic Music, 900-1600, Cambridge, Mass.: The Medieval Academy of America, 1961, p. 343) while Alejandro Planchart bases a tempo of 216 minims per minute based on calculations by the theorist Johannes Vetulus ("Tempo and Proportions" in Performance Practice: 1. Music before 1600, London: Macmillan Press, 1989, p. 133). Anne Stone, in her study of the concept of tempus in late medieval Italy, withholds judgement on any fixed tempo heretofore indicated ("Writing Rhythm in Late Medieval Italy: Notation and Musical Style in the Manuscript Modena, Biblioteca Estense, Alpha.M.5.24," Ph.D. diss., Harvard University, 1994, chapter 6.vii).
74 Technically a semibrevis minima. Although by its name it should be the shortest possible note value, the semiminim was in widespread use by the early 14th century.
75 The notation of ligatures, or groups of longs, breves, and paired semibreves fused together, will not be discussed in this paper. The reasons for this are three-fold. First, except in the few cases of tenors which are lifted from the liturgy, they rarely constitute the main music notation of a piece. Second, the rules for determining the note values of ligatures are complicated and not at all intuitive for most modern musicians. Finally, the rules for the use of ligatures were so universal by the fourteenth century that regional variants are non-existent and little is gained by a study of them.
76 In medieval music theory, a 1:3 relationship between elements is considered a "perfect" (complete) relationship, while a 1:2 relationship is considered "imperfect" (incomplete). Theorists tie some aspects of the perfection of three to the Christian trinity.
77 S.a.s. holds true for longs and minims as well, but will not be discussed because complex rhythms involving longs are rare in this period and imperfection of minims in practically non-existent.
78 "Petrus de Cruce primo incipit ponere quatuor semibreves pro tempore perfecto." Jacobus de Liége, Speculum Musicum, in Scriptorum de musica medii ævi nova series, vol. 2. Edited by Charles Edmond Coussemaker. (Paris: A. Durand, 1864-1876), vol. II, p. 401.
79 Jan Herlinger, The Lucidarium of Marchetto of Padua (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1985), pp. 3-4.
80 The division ternaria (no abbreviation) was also used, though far less important, and can be thought of as either senaria perfecta or novenaria without minims.
81 The punctus is also omitted after the ligature cum opposita proprietate because c.o.p. ligatures by are usually equivalent to a full divisio (except in some cases in .n. and .d.) Thus, in the two divisiones tertiae, to be discussed shortly, c.o.p. semibreves are always semibreves maior.
82 A theoretical answer to why the lengthening of the final note is most natural is a difficult question which is covered in treatises such as the Pomerium of Marchetto de Padua. Marchetto, writing in the first decades of the fourteenth century explains that since the right side of a person is more full and perfect that the left, since the right side contains the liver which preserves the blood, so art should imitate nature by having the right side of the tempus be longer and more perfect than the left ("The Pomerian of Marchettus of Padua: a translation and critical commentary", edited by Ralph Clifford Renner, M.A. thesis, Washington University (St. Louis), 1980, p. 26). A historical view of the phenomenon would emphasize the tradition of the last note in a group (especially a descending group) being the longest dating back to the conjunctura groups in Pre-Franconian motets of the early 13th century, the notation of Perotinian modal rhythm, and possibly even to rhythmic performance in plainsong.
83 Eugene Fellin, "The Notation-Types of Trecento Music," in L’Ars Nova italiana del trecento 4, Edited by Agostino Ziino, (Certaldo : Centro di studi sull'ars nova Italiana del Trecento, 1978). Idem, "A Study of Superius Variants in the Sources of Italian Trecento Music: Madrigals and Cacce," (Ph.D. diss., University of Wisconsin, 1970).
84 Prosdocimus de Beldemandis’s Tractatus practicae cantus mensurabilis ad modum ytalicorum (c. 1410) states that its purpose is to bring native composers who recently had taken to writing in French forms back to the "notation which only Italians practice" (A treatise on the practice of mensural music in the Italian manner, translated and edited by Jay A. Huff, Dallas: American Institute of Musicology, 1972). Because we see exhortations in Padua for composers and scribes to return to Italian notation, we should be careful not to be prejudiced into thinking that purer Italian notation implies an older composition since just the opposite might be true.
85 Many estimates suggest that a single sheep could produce, on average, two quality parchment bifolios.
86 Score notation was actually used for the earliest polyphonic compositions but was discarded during the thirteenth century, probably because of its inefficiency for composition with long-note tenors.
87 Gathering structure diagrams are found in the discussion of each manuscript in chapters 4, 5, and 6.
88 In this study, I have referred to the folios of the fragments alphabetically from front to rear as they appear in manuscripts now. These alphabetic foliations do not necessarily correspond to the order in which they originally appeared in the manuscripts. This is especially true for I-Pu 1475, whose original order was ff. B, F, D, C, E, A. Numeric foliations (PadA only) refer to the foliation of the original manuscripts. In order to reduce confusion, the foliation of GB-Ob 229 as currently found in the manuscript (ff. 53-56 = ff. A-D) has not been used.
89 Despite the informative, and highly amusing, suggestions given to me by Prof. Michel Huglo, I was unable to determine what type of animal was used to make the parchment of any of the Paduan fragments. This information would be useful in determining if all the parchment was manufactured in the same place, since each monastery likely only raised one species of animal for parchment production. Archival research would also reveal what sorts of animals were raised by the various centers of manuscript production and aid in determining the provenance of many other northern Italian fragments. Gregory’s Law is discussed briefly in Leila Avrin’s, Scribes, Script, & Books, (Chicago: American Library Association, 1991), p. 266.
90 Since reasons for the ordering of music in the Paduan fragments could not be determined, the actual contents of f. C (an anonymous Gloria and a Credo by Perneth) cannot be used to justify a position.
91 Nádas, "The Transmission of Trecento Secular Polyphony," pp. 228-235 (Pit.), 345-349 (Man/ManP), 374-393 (Sq.), 463-477 (I-Fasl 2211).
92 Charles Hamm, "Manuscript Structure in the Dufay Era," Acta Musicologica 34 (1962).
93 Fellin while admitting that scribes had some limited initiative in choosing which type of notation to use, writes that "if all Trecento sources were available for examination, the actual amount of transformation from one notation-type to another would be found to be relatively minimal," ("Notation-Types", p. 220). The notion that undiscovered sources would make stemma of sources more pure seems unsustainable.
94 Nádas, "Transmission," p. 95.
95 For ModA, see Stone, "Writing Rhythm in Late Medieval Italy," and for I-Bc Q 15 see Margaret Bent, "A Contemporary Perception of Early Fifteenth-Century Style: Bologna Q15 as a Document of Scribal Editorial Initiative," Musica Disciplina 41 (1987), pp. 183-201. Owing to the length of the fragments and limitations in time, an extensive paleographical examination of the PadA fragments was not undertaken.
96 Nádas, "Transmission," p. 80.
97 Kurt von Fischer, editor, Répertoire International des Sources Musicales, Handscriften Mit Mehrstimmiger Musik des 14., 15., und 16., Jahrhunderts (RISM B/IV/4), (Munich: G. Henle Verlag, 1972), p. 995.
98 Dragan Plamenac, "Another Paduan Fragment of Trecento Music," Journal of the American Musicological Society 8 (1955), p. 167.
99 c.f. Nino Pirrotta, "New Glimpses of an Unwritten Tradition," in Words and Music: The Scholar’s View. A Medley of Problems and Solutions Compiled in Honor of A. Tillman Merritt, edited by Laurence Berman, (Cambridge, Mass.: Harvard University Press, 1972), pp. 271-91.
100 Ibid., 279. Pirrotta points to the Venetian inland as the most likely place where these second and third hand performances would first be recorded on paper.
101 Nádas, "Transmission of Trecento Secular Polyphony," p. 208.
102 Kurt von Fischer, Studien zur italienischen Musik des Trecento und frühen Quattrocento, (Bern: Verlag Paul Haupt, 1956), p. 119.
103 Kurt von Fischer, New Grove, "Madrigal," vol. 11, p. 462. See also the discussion of madrigals in PadC in chapter 5.
104 The superius omits the cedilla on "merçe," found on the tenor.
105 superius: "fosti"
106 The final word of the first two lines should be read as two syllables, which precludes a rhyme scheme of aaab.
107 von Fischer, New Grove, "Ballata." vol. 2, p. 87.
108 Clefs are numbered from bottom to top.
109 The word "pars" is abbreviated with a horizontal slash through the stem of the p, usually used as an abbreviation for "per" rather than "par".
110 This interpretation for the hollow red semibreve is supported by an example in Apel, The Notation of Polyphonic Music, p. 406. Apel also suggests that a void red minim, if one were to appear in another voice, would probably imply a 4:3 ratio with black minims.
111 John Nádas and others have argued persuasively for considering the text and music to have been written by the same scribe in the absence of evidence to the contrary. I agree with his argument and hope to bring more evidence to support it in the course of this thesis.
112 The breaking up of long notes into repeated notes in I-Bc 15 is the strongest evidence that the French version was written first. However, the order of writing does not have any other secure basis, besides the tradition of Latin contrafacta. In fact, the presence of the unusually long second ending in Aler m’en veus may present evidence for the Latin version, which lacks a endings, being the original.
113 Hallmark, "Some Evidence," p. 209.
114 Puncti additionis are used in the composition.
115 Quoted in Richard d’A. Jensen, "Birdsong and the Imitation of Birdsong in the Music of the Middle Ages and Renaissance," Current Musicology 40 (1985), pp. 50-65. I am grateful to Roe-Min Kok for pointing out facets of the birdsong tradition to me.
116 The tenor voice is the only use of the f-clef in PadB. The shape of the f-clef differs between staff 4 and staff 5, probably because staff 5 was originally written as a c-clef which, rather than erasing, the scribe incorporated into the c-clef.
117 Since senaria imperfecta was so closely tied to French styles even from early in the Italian fourteenth century, it makes little sense to try to determine whether the Italian divisio or the French prolation is implied by these compositions.
118 David Fallows argues for removing the "so-called" from descriptions of the Landini cadence despite its absence from contemporary sources, since Landini was the first composer to systematically use the cadence formula. "Landini cadence," in New Grove, vol. 9, p. 435.
119 Clercx, Johannes Ciconia, vol. 2, p. 12.
120 The leaves of PadC were probably detached from their covers between 1956 and 1967, since Fischer in 1956 describes O cieco mondo as the first composition in PadC (Kurt von Fischer, Studien zur italienischen Musik des Trecento und frühen Quattrocento. Bern: Verlag Paul Haupt, 1956), while in 1967, Marrocco’s edition of The Works of Jacopo de Bologna includes references to PadC in its examination of Ogelletto Silvagio (W. Thomas Marrocco, editor, Italian Secular Music, by Magister Piero, Giovanni da Firenze, Jacopo da Bologna, in Polyphonic Music of the Fourteenth Century, vol. 6. Monaco: Editions de l’Oiseau-lyre, 1967).
121 An edition of the Diadema monachorum is found in Italian translation as Corona de'monaci : testo del buon secolo della lingua compilato da un monaco degli angeli ora per la prima volta pubblicato, by Casimiro Stolfi (Prato: Tip. Guasti, 1862).
122 I have used numbers to indicate gatherings in the current manuscript (MS 1475) and letters to indicate reconstructed gatherings from the original manuscript.
123 I expect that the flyleaves of I-Pu 1475 were removed from the cover and placed in the front of the manuscript in modern times and thus have no reason to obey Gregory’s Law; see chapter 6.
124 I have chosen to refer to the full madrigal by the incipit as found in I-Pn 26 (Pan.), to prevent confusion with the two-part madrigal called Osellecto Selvaggio by Pan. found also in GB-Lbm 29987 (Lo.), F-Pn 6771 (Reina), and I-Fl 87 (Sq.). In I-Fl 87, the caccia-madrigal is called Ugelletto selvaggio while the two-part madrigal is called Oselletto selvagio. In Pit., the caccia madrigal is called Oselletto selvagio, while Reina betrays its Veneto origin by calling both compositions Oselleto salvaço using the cedilla on the c.
125 Recall that PadC uses a six-line staff. Thus C2 is probably the familiar C1 cantus clef. Similarly with C4 for the usual C3 tenor clef.
126 Se per dureça of PadB also prominently uses unusual spacing to indicate groupings of notes. Other examples can be found in the Paduan fragments.
127 Hallmark, "Some evidence," p. 199.
128 Gilbert Reaney, "Perrinet" in New Grove, vol. 14, p. 547.
129 Folio BV contains 317 elements (notes, accidentals, rests: anything which takes up more space than a punctus on a staff), averaging 35 per line. To notate the remainder of the composition (20 elements) would require half a line, which could be shared with the tenor (26 elements). The contratenor comprises 171 elements or 5 lines or 4 if untexted. These voices could easily fit on one more page. The fourth and fifth voices are have a total of 703 elements between them, requiring two whole pages in themselves.
130 Hallmark, "Some evidence," p. 198.
131 Reinhard Strohm, Music in Late Medieval Bruges, p. 104.
132 PadA can be dated because quotations from dated compositions mentioned in Sus unne fontaine give us an earliest lower date while connections to dated concordances in PadD (copied from PadA) give a latest upper date. The other two fragmentary codices cannot be so securely dated.
133 Examination of this fragment was conducted entirely via a facsimile copy, thus issues of binding, ink color, etc. cannot be discussed.
134 Although, it should be noted that in some of these older codices both voices and tenor are found on a single page rather than across an opening.
135 Suggested by Thomas Forrest Kelly in conversation, 10 April 1998.
136 It should be noted that if this piece were written in a more "Italian" notational style, fewer rather than more puncti divisionis would be used in the first section. This is due to the presence of puncti before and after breves, unnecessary in true Italian notation (and illegal in French notation).
137 For more information see, Hallmark, "Some evidence," pp. 207-209 and Stone, "Writing Rhythm," chapter 2. Hallmark argues for PadA’s reading as being closer to Ciconia’s original intentions while Stone counters that there is no reason to suppose the version in ModA to have come after PadA.
138 Hallmark, "Some evidence," p. 207.
139 The use of F2 without accompanying C4 is unusual in the Paduan fragments studied.
140 Many thanks to David Petrain for helping me translate this text. There are a number of problems with the text we were unable to solve. For example, the fourth word looks like, "federis," but no possible translation of this could be found. I have chosen to go with the reading "sederis," even though this also is not grammatically correct, and read the first phrase as "Qui pandis arcum sederis:" "He who is seated laying plain the rainbow," a reference to Revelation 4:3. The text also borrows from the Gloria of the mass: "Tu solus dominus...Tu solus altissimus...Cum sancto spiritu."
141 The front folios were previously numbered in pencil and with typed numerals 1 and 2 in the outside lower corner. The typed numerals continue throughout the main corpus. There are also penciled page letters A-D in the upper right-hand corner corresponding to ff. A-BV of this study.
142 Additionally, we know the name of this scribe may have been Ambrosius.